Poder patricio e identidad política en Burgos

Abstract

El poder urbano es, por definición, un poder proteico en donde conviven diferentes instancias de poder que no necesariamente deben componer una nítida pirámide jerárquica. Es indudable un reconocimiento de una cierta jerarquía de poderes, en donde la cúspide pertenece al rey, pero en Burgos, concretamente, el monarca se ve obligado a pactar, sobre todo en los difíciles y críticos reinados de Juan II y Enrique IV. Patriciado, vecindades, clero, nobleza e incluso oficiales regios constituyen no tanto un «apilamiento institucional», como un «alineamiento», que implica una permanente y constante dialéctica de tensión y distensión, con la identidad e integridad del poder concejil y los privilegios y libertades que lo preservan y afianzan, como telón de fondo y principal argumento político. De todos estos poderes, el único que es intrínsecamente urbano, que se define como tal, es el concejil, o lo que es igual en la Baja Edad Media, el poder patricio. Si existe un rasgo que defina a la ciudad bajomedieval ese es la génesis de un sistema de poder eminentemente urbano, cuya producción y reproducción requiere del marco y de la lógica urbana y que, en definitiva, es el que permite a las ciudades singularizarse frente al resto de los poderes feudales.

The urban power is, by definition, a protein power in where coexists different instances from power which not necessarily they must compose a clear hierarchic pyramid. A recognition of a certain hierarchy of powers is doubtless, in where the peak belongs to the king, but in Towns, concretely, the monarch is itself forced to agree, mainly in the difficult and critical reigns of Juan II and Enrique IV. Oligarchy, vicinities, clergy, nobility and even officials regal constitute not as much «piling up institutional», like «alignment», that implies permanent and constant dialectic of tension and a distension, with the identity and integrity of the municipality power and the privileges and liberties that preserve it and strengthen, like drop curtain of bottom and main political argument. Of all these powers, the only one which he is intrinsically urban, that is defined as so, is the municipality. If a characteristic exists that defines to the low-medieval city that is the consolidation of a system of being able eminently urban, whose production and reproduction require of the frame and the urban logic and that, really, he is the one that allows the cities to distinguish itself as opposed to the rest of the feudal powers. Throughout the low-medieval centuries Towns, like most of the Castilian, peninsular or European cities, it has been constructing his political identity through three parallel and simultaneous processes: the consolidation of the system of being able oligarchy, the political minting of the intrinsic identity characteristics to he himself and its manifestation through gestures and attitudes or, among other things, of the consolidation of an institutional and ceremonial language. My objective is to analyze this triple process in Towns.